California and Colorado once gave voters the ultimate power: recall any politician, anytime, no excuses. Now, Democrat-led reforms are quietly stacking the deck—banning paid signature gatherers, inflating costs, and even letting unelected officials fill vacant seats. Click to see how direct democracy is being dismantled, one “reform” at a time.
Once upon a time, California and Colorado were models of direct democracy.
Voters could recall any elected official, for any reason — no hearings, no bureaucracy, just signatures and a ballot.
But after a few inconvenient recalls embarrassed Democrats, both states’ legislatures rewrote the rules.
Today, the recall process has been slow-walked, priced out, and buried under red tape.
If it feels harder to hold politicians accountable — it’s because it is.
| Feature | California | Colorado |
|---|---|---|
| Signatures Required | 12% of last election turnout | 25% of last election turnout |
| When Allowed | After 6 months in office | After 6 months in office |
| Replacement Vote | Incumbent cannot run | Incumbent cannot run |
| Cause Needed? | No | No |
Sources: CA Elections Code §11101, CO Const. Art. XXI §1
When State Senator Josh Newman was recalled in 2018 over his gas-tax vote, Democrats lost their supermajority — for just five months.
That brief scare triggered years of “reform” designed to make sure it never happens again.
SB 660 (2023) – Banned per-signature pay for petition gatherers.
→ Now only big unions or PACs can afford the salaries.
→ Grassroots groups priced out.
SCA 1 (2024, on 2026 ballot) – Kills the replacement vote.
→ The Lieutenant Governor would fill a recalled governor’s seat — no election, no choice.
→ Translation: one-party insurance.
SB 96 (2017, struck down) – Tried to delay the Newman recall by 30 days.
→ Courts called it unconstitutional. The intent was clear: stall, stall, stall.
After two Democratic senators were recalled in 2013 over gun-control votes, Colorado’s political class took notes.
Since then, over 350 recall petitions have been filed — and virtually all have failed.
HB21-1060 (2021) – Requires estimated election costs on every petition.
→ Bureaucratic delay: adds 30–60 days before circulation.
Proposed SB22-XXX (2022) – Would have banned recalls near regular elections.
→ A timing trick lifted straight from California.
2023 Ethics Rule – Petition circulators must list their top 3 funders on every page.
→ Sounds like transparency; acts like intimidation.
| Metric | Before Reforms | After Reforms |
|---|---|---|
| Avg. Signatures Gathered | 1.2M (Newsom 2021) | ~600K (failed Gascón 2022) |
| Success Rate | 6 of 36 (1913–2018) | 0 of 12 since 2021 |
| Taxpayer Cost | $3.5M (Newman 2018) | $0 (no qualified recalls) |
The price of “stability”? Politicians get job security. Voters lose leverage.
Accountability is dying.
The recall was meant to keep officials humble. Instead, lawmakers rewrote it to protect themselves.
Money talks, citizens walk.
By outlawing bounty pay, Democrats made sure only well-funded organizations — usually their allies — can play.
Democracy without choice isn’t democracy.
If SCA 1 passes, voters won’t even pick a replacement. Sacramento will.
The recall was created to protect the people from politicians —
not politicians from the people.
If firing a failed official takes more effort than electing one,
then “direct democracy” has become a slogan, not a system.
It’s time to take it back.